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The cumulative number of coups is a strong predictor of future coups. A study in the journal Security Studies found that autocratic leaders whose states were involved in international rivalries over disputed territory were more likely to be overthrown in a coup.

The authors of the study provide the following logic for why this is: "Autocratic incumbents invested in spatial rivalries need to strengthen the military in order to compete with a foreign adversary.

The imperative of developing a strong army puts dictators in a paradoxical situation: to compete with a rival state, they must empower the very agency—the military—that is most likely to threaten their own survival in office.

A study in the Journal of Peace Research found that coup attempts were less likely in states where the militaries derived significant incomes from peacekeeping missions.

A study in the Economic Journal found that "oil price shocks are seen to promote coups in onshore-intensive oil countries, while preventing them in offshore-intensive oil countries.

A study in the Journal of Conflict Resolution found that the presence of military academies were linked to coups. The authors argue that military academies make it easier for military officers to plan coups, as the schools build networks among military officers.

A study in the Journal of Politics found that states that had recently signed civil war peace agreements were much more likely to experience coups, in particular when those agreements contained provisions that jeopardized the interests of the military.

A study found that regional rebellions made coups by the military more likely. A study found that elections had a two-sided impact on coup attempts, depending on the state of the economy.

During periods of economic expansion, elections reduced the likelihood of coup attempts, whereas elections during economic crises increased the likelihood of coup attempts.

In autocracies the frequency of coups seem to be affected by the succession rules in place, with monarchies with a fixed succession rule being much less plagued by instability than less institutionalized autocracies.

In what is referred to as "coup-proofing", regimes create structures that make it hard for any small group to seize power. These coup-proofing strategies may include the strategic placing of family, ethnic, and religious groups in the military; creation of an armed force parallel to the regular military; and development of multiple internal security agencies with overlapping jurisdiction that constantly monitor one another.

A study shows that the implementation of succession rules reduce the occurrence of coup attempts. According to political scientists Curtis Bell and Jonathan Powell, coup attempts in neighbouring countries lead to greater coup-proofing and coup-related repression in a region.

A study in the Journal of Peace Research found that leaders who survive coup attempts and respond by purging known and potential rivals are likely to have longer tenures as leaders.

Research suggests that coups promoting democratization in staunchly authoritarian regimes have become less likely to end democracy over time, and that the positive influence has strengthened since the end of the Cold War.

A study found that "coups promote democratization, particularly among states that are least likely to democratize otherwise".

The authors argue that this may be due to the incentives created by international pressure. According to a study, "external reactions to coups play important roles in whether coup leaders move toward authoritarianism or democratic governance.

When supported by external democratic actors, coup leaders have an incentive to push for elections to retain external support and consolidate domestic legitimacy.

When condemned, coup leaders are apt to trend toward authoritarianism to assure their survival. According to legal scholar Ilya Somin a coup to forcibly overthrow democratic government might be sometimes justified.

He wrote:. According to Naunihal Singh, author of Seizing Power: The Strategic Logic of Military Coups , it is "fairly rare" for the prevailing existing government to violently purge the army after a coup has been foiled.

If it starts the mass killing of elements of the army, including officers who were not involved in the coup, this may trigger a "counter-coup" by soldiers who are afraid they will be next.

To prevent such a desperate counter-coup that may be more successful than the initial attempt, governments usually resort to firing prominent officers and replacing them with loyalists instead.

Some research suggests that increased repression and violence typically follow coup attempts whether they be successes or failures.

A study finds that the use of state broadcasting by the putschist regime after Mali's coup did not elevate explicit approval for the regime.

According to a study, coup attempts lead to a reduction in physical integrity rights. The international community tends to react adversely to coups by reducing aid and imposing sanctions.

A study finds that "coups against democracies, coups after the Cold War, and coups in states heavily integrated into the international community are all more likely to elicit global reaction.

Through the threat of sanctions, the organizations actively try to curb coups. A study finds that the AU has played a meaningful role in reducing African coups.

A forthcoming study in the Journal of Conflict Resolution finds that negative international responses to regimes created in coups have a significant influence on the sustainability of those regimes.

According to a study, coups increase the cost of borrowing and increase the likelihood of sovereign default. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

Sudden deposition of a government. Main article: Pronunciamiento. The coup culminated into a civil war. Journal of Peace Research. Archived from the original on 1 July Retrieved 12 December Archived from the original on 15 September Retrieved 12 January Archived from the original on 6 November But I can confidently assure you, that the above-mentioned arret was promulgated in consequence of innumerable complaints and murmurs which have found their way to the ears of the Sovereign.

Our merchants contend, that they experience the greatest difficulties in trading with the English".

Kentish Gazette. Zurich: State Archives of the Canton of Zurich. Berlin: Akademie Verlag. Retrieved 26 March New York: Charles Scribner's Sons Harvard University Press.

British Journal of Political Science. Conflict Management and Peace Science. The Journal of Politics. Oxford University Press. Journal of Conflict Resolution.

Comparative Political Studies. Cambridge University Press. Retrieved 23 February World Politics. An extreme bounds analysis of coup determinants".

Public Choice. Security Studies. The Economic Journal. British Journal of Political Science : 1— Encyclopedia of Public Choice.

As of today, the competition contains eight regional rounds with some regions containing as much as ten.

The competition alternated between many stadiums during its early years playing at the Stade Pershing from — before switching to the Stade Olympique Yves-du-Manoir in Colombes.

The competition lasted a decade there before returning to the Parc des Princes in In , the final was held at the Stade de Paris.

The following year, the final returned to Colombes and remained there until moving to the Parc des Princes permanently following its renovation, which made it the largest in terms of attendance in France.

There are vastly more amateur than professional clubs in France, and the competition regularly produces surprises.

The best performance by an amateur club in the competition is usually awarded the Petit Poucet Plaque. One of the more recent successes of an amateur club occurred during the — competition when Championnat de France amateur club Calais RUFC reached the final.

Calais, composed of doctors, dock workers, and office clerks, started the competition in the 5th round and, after defeating fellow amateurs, beat clubs Lille , Langon-Castets, Cannes , Strasbourg , and Bordeaux to advance to the final.

Calais' road to the final was a prime example of the major advantages amateur clubs had with the club playing all of its matches at home beginning with the Round of 64 match.

In the final the club lost to Nantes 2—1 despite scoring first. Professional clubs have continued to express their displeasure with the advantages amateur clubs receive in the competition with many of their complaints being directly associated with their hosting of matches.

Coupe de France rules explicitly state that teams drawn first during the draw are granted hosting duties for the round, however, if the club drawn second is competing two levels below the club drawn first, then the hosting duties will be given to the second club drawn.

Many clubs have subsequently complained that, due to the amateur clubs not having adequate funds, the stadiums they play in are extremely unkempt.

The resulting differences led to the clubs represented by the Ligue de Football Professionnel forming their own cup competition, the Coupe de la Ligue.

More recently, amateur clubs have begun to move to more established stadiums for their Coupe de France matches with their primary reason being to earn more money at the gate due to more established stadiums having the ability to carry more spectators.

The winner of the Coupe de France trophy normally holds on to the trophy for one year to put in on display at their headquarters before returning it to the French Football Federation.

In the early s, the cup was stolen, but was retrieved by the authorities quickly. Since , the President of France has always attended the cup final and presented the trophy to the winning team's captain.

Gaston Doumergue was the first French president to attend the final. The French Football Association is expected to allow spectators to enter the Cup in France, which is scheduled to resume in July.

Similar to other countries' cup competitions, the Coupe de France is a knockout tournament with pairings for each round drawn at random.

Each tie is played through a single leg. If a match ends in a draw, extra time is played and if the match is still drawn, penalties are held.

Prior to , the competition had no extra time nor penalty shootouts and instead allowed replays, similar to the FA Cup. For the —69 season , extra time was introduced and, two years later, the penalty shootout was instituted.

Following the —75 season , replays were scrapped. There are a total of 14 rounds in the competition. However, rounds in the competition are determined through each region in France with one of the main reasons being to reduce travel costs.

Depending on the region, the number of rounds may vary from four to as many as eight with each region sending a set number of clubs to the 7th round.

The regions conduct rounds of matches up until the 7th round when professional clubs enter the competition. All of the clubs are then split and drawn against each other randomly, regardless of regional affiliation though geographical pots are made prior to the draw.

This number later rose to two for some overseas regions. Territories like Mayotte , French Polynesia , and New Caledonia allow the winner of their cup competitions to enter the 7th round, such as when AS Mont-Dore won the edition of the New Caledonia Cup to earn qualification for the —10 Coupe de France.

Overseas teams are also eligible for UEFA qualification. In Coupe de France matches, players are restricted to wearing the shirt numbers 1—18 regardless of the player's squad number.

The Coupe de France does not have a primary sponsor of the competition, but allows sponsors of the French Football Federation to showcase themselves on club's kits at the expense of the club's sponsors.

Paris Saint-Germain have a record of 13 Coupe de France titles, following the result of the —20 cup. The Parisian club have won 'a double' i.

In , Roger Vandooren scored the fastest goal in the final's history converting after 29 seconds for his club Lille in their 2—0 win over Strasbourg.

The Coupe de France final is co-aired on France 2 since until exclude until From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

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